Ethnic
Minorities and the Elections
The elections will be held the way the military junta wants them to be
irrespective of the pressure exerted on it by neighbors or the international
community. However, some expect a few concessions, such as the release of
political prisoners and the acceptance of observers from neighboring countries,
may be forthcoming just before the elections.
With or without the concessions,
the biggest difficulty in creating an inclusive process may be in convincing
the ethnic minorities that there is a reason for them to take part in the
electoral process, even if they are not granted the concessions concerning
autonomy that they desire.
40% the country’s population is
composed of ethnic minorities and they control a sizable land mass all around
the periphery of the nation. They joined the union at the time of Burmese
independence from England. At the time, they were promised autonomy at a later
date. However, autonomy has never been granted to any of the ethnic states.
The military junta has entered
into ceasefire agreements with 17 ethnic rebel groups between 1989-94 with
concessions to retain their arms and control of some parts of the territories
occupied by the ethnic minorities.
In the 1990 elections most of the ethnic groups had joined hands and had fared
well (especially the Shan National League for Democracy).
As a prelude to a smooth election
the military junta has been pressuring the ethnic groups to transform their
armies into border guards under the leadership of the Burmese Army, and to form
their own political parties to contest the forthcoming elections.
Most of the ethnic armies
(particularly the stronger ones such as the United Wa State Party (UWSP), the
Kachin Independence organization (KIO) and the New Mon State Party (NMSP) have
refused to be transformed into border guards and to contest the 2010 election.
The few groups that may be taking part in the elections are perhaps hoping to
take advantage of the political space made available, particularly at the
regional level.
Many fear that once the 2010
elections are over and the new constitution is in force, the ethnic minorities
will lose the few rights and privileges they have been enjoying until now.
The Constitution sets out a “self
administered division” for the Wa and UWSA (the biggest of the ethnic
minorities with 15,000–20,000 fighters) and plans to create 14 assemblies in
areas that are home to the major ethnic groups, making the first offer of
political space to the non-Burmese. However the regional assemblies will be
under the supervision of the junta, which has the power to appoint one-fourth of
the members to each assembly, as well as the chief minister of each region.
With such provisions the ethnic
groups will lose their right to choose their chiefs and their
self-determination rights, and hence their opportunity to voice their dissent.
Some analysts have predicted that the civil war of six decades now in its ebb
may erupt in full swing if the military junta is not able to settle the ethnic
minority issues before the election.
It is incumbent on the ethnic
minorities to come together and pose a united front if even some semblance of
autonomy is to be achieved in their areas.
Recent Developments
In the run up to the election, there have been several bomb blasts in Burma. A
bomb attack on the Burmese New Year killed at least 15 people in Yangon and
injured many others, including the regional commander of the Burmese Army,
while a series of explosions were reported at a hydroelectric project being
jointly built by a Chinese company in the north of the country, the latter
thought to be the work of anti-government groups. There is no doubt that the constitution
is meant to perpetuate Military Despotism because the military is to be
entrenched in every institution of the state. On the other hand, this
constitution is also meant to establish an “Authoritarian Centralist”
government. There is much concern that it will deny all democratic and human
rights, as well as all rights of ethnic nationalities.
The Burmese military junta
expressed on 12 May 2010 that Burma has no need for foreign observers to
monitor its first elections in two decades, despite international concerns that
the polls will lack legitimacy. There have been concerns from aid agencies that
the upcoming election could see a growing number of refugees fleeing to
Thailand, Malaysia, Bangladesh and China, due to alleged government repression,
poverty and low-level ethnic conflict. Ceasefires between the military
government and ethnic groups were also deteriorating.
The flow of refugees from Burma
to Thailand, Malaysia and other countries has cost Burma’s neighbours millions
of dollars in food and humanitarian assistance. The Burma Refugee Organization
calls on officials of impacted ASEAN countries to measure the financial cost of
hosting refugees displaced from Burma, and to request financial compensation
from Burma’s military junta for costs incurred in caring for the refugees. It
asks the government of Malaysia to address the trafficking, selling and slavery
of Burmese and other migrants within Malaysia and across its border with
Thailand. As a signatory to the Convention on the Rights of the Child and the
Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women
(CEDAW), Malaysia is urged to consider alternatives to detention for refugees
and asylum seekers, especially for women and children.
ASEAN has a major role to play in
the elections, however flawed it may be. It has to function as a link between
Myanmar and the international community and vice-versa. Myanmar can be
persuaded to have observers at least from ASEAN.
The international community,
while exerting pressure for release of political prisoners and for the
elections to be inclusive, free and fair, should be prepared to interact with
the new government and seek opportunities for positive changes towards
democracy.
The Burma Refugee Organization
and The Best Friend Education Project are extremely disappointed about the
junta’s preparations for the upcoming elections and urge all concerned parties
to exert pressure in order to ensure that the Burmese military regime is not
able to make the upcoming elections a complete sham.
by Arkar Moe, Burma Refugee
Organization (Malaysia)